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In a different vein, psychoanalytically oriented researchers have been interested in how unconscious motivations might shape processes of perception and cognition (eg, Erdelyi, 1974) Cognitive research of this sort addresses profound questions concerning who is running the show Does the conscious self call the shots, or is the brain going about its business without much interference from the conscious thinker In this section, we rst review research on automatic aspects of social cognition, and then we consider the case that can be made for the capacity of the conscious mind to control and regulate processes of social cognition Finally, we consider some of the ways in which automatic and effortful processes can interact to determine jointly the course of perception, thought, and action Automatic Social Cognition The foundations for social-psychological treatments of the issue of automaticity have been established in the work of Bargh (eg.

Cann AJ (2001) Molecular Virology, 3rd edn. Academic Press, London. Dimmock MJ, Easton AJ and Leppard KN (2001) Introduction to Modern Virology, 5th edn. Blackwell Science, Oxford. Wagner EK and Hewlett MJ (2003) Basic Virology, 2nd edn. Blackwell Science, Oxford.

, 1982; Bargh & Chartrand, 1999; Bargh & Ferguson, 2000) Synthesizing the insights emerging from disparate research areas touching on the issue of automaticity, Bargh (1994) argued that the notion of automatic mental processes is complex and multifaceted He argued that the term has been used to refer to four distinct qualities of information processing: awareness, intention, ef ciency, and control That is, a process tends to be considered automatic if it (a) occurs without the person s awareness, (b) occurs without the person s intention, (c) occurs with great ef ciency and does not require much mental capacity, or (d) occurs in a manner that is dif cult to prevent or stop Not all four criteria are necessary for a process to be considered automatic When one or more of these characteristics is present, the relevant process is often deemed to be relatively automatic..

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unusual for social movements to be initiated and supported by people without any vested interests of their own Think of Keniston s (1970) study of young radicals involved in the anti Vietnam-war movement, and of the studies Haan, Smith, and Block (1968) and Fishkin, Keniston, and McKinnon (1973) have conducted about activists in the 1960s civil rights movement Moral orientations and social responsibility were the motivational bases identi ed here Phenomena such as the survivor guilt described for Holocaust survivors (L Baron, 1987), Hiroshima survivors (Lifton, 1967), and released prisoners of war (Lifton, 1954) demonstrate that not all people who have been favorably advantaged are able to enjoy their good fortune.

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They perceive the disadvantaged victims as belonging to their own community of solidarity (Deutsch, 1985), whereby equality and need are postulated to be the preferred justice principles (Deutsch, 1975) and communal orientations are prevalent (Clark & Chrisman, 1994; Lerner & Whitehead, 1980) Managers feelings of guilt after layoff decisions (Lerner, 1996) indicate that members of the management feel more obligations toward the staff than expected Guilt felt by survivors of layoffs (Brockner, 1994) is another example As Cohen (1986) has pointed out, the application of standards of justice depends on the psychological boundaries of the community one has in mind Susan Opotow (1996) uses the term scope of justice to depict the fact that some people draw their personal boundaries much wider than do others Those who are concerned about global inequalities (Olson, 1997) have a wide scope of justice.

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common with both of its parents. The gametes produced by male and female animals, sperm and eggs respectively, are strikingly different. As we will see in this chapter these differences have an important impact upon the reproductive behavior of the animals that produce them.